Wednesday, May 9, 2012

Serendipity, my attitude


SYNERGY
Hal Pepinsky, pepinsky@indiana.edu, pepinsky.blogspot.com
May 9, 2012

                I conceive all mass to be systemic resistance to waves of energy that flow in waves around and through us.  Energy as humans know it is the force of human will to live that gets somewhere, commonly thought of as achieving goals or objectives, or ultimately as sustaining homeostasis in our own bodies.  Common words for force are organizing, growing, enforcing or cooperating—accelerating or concentrating life’s labors.  All matter contains energy at a price, all friction among organisms creates heat.  Heat is entropy as we experience it, from fever to hunger to body counts.  The energy expended to sustain oneself and one’s kind has its own rate of decay, its own half life.  In our human case, the more energy we expend to extend our own lives, the more rapidly we create human waste, from battlefield deaths to prisons to famine and pestilence—the more concentrated destitution and wealth become.
                From richer rich to poorer poor, one response to social decay is to get somewhere faster, commonly known where I live as efficiency or productivity.  Getting somewhere faster is power, more energy efficiency.  While I have toyed with the idea of distinguishing power “over” others from power “with” others, I think that however well intended, all power is implicitly over others, as for example in winning or losing political representation.  As power is amassed, resistance grows among losers, as now in Wisconsin with the looming prospect of having the loser of the last gubernatorial election defeat the incumbent, or with US invasion and occupation of Afghanistan and Pakistan.  Bursts of resistance to power unite conviction on all sides that some romantic notion of imposing social order depends on blaming foreigners to one’s own kind such as bankers, infidels and immigrants.  In contests of power, even cults of personality and empires eventually fall, dying or transforming with a fiery and often prolonged series of wars against foreign and domestic enemies.
                I certainly been a powermonger myself.  I have often systematically resisted convention, as in the classroom, and with appeals even to get my own tenure and promotion, let alone in advocacy for students and staff in virtually all the grievance channels on campus and in testimony on behalf of children in custody cases or in criminal cases.  I try to limit the damage I might do by setting boundaries on my involvement in organizations or movements or organized faith. I try to reserve time for synergy.  As systolic is to my blood pressure, so enjoyment of power is to my will to live.
                Moments of synergy rests on adherence to power structures.  In these moments, other boundaries in our relations are relaxed, and new foundations for relations are created in their place.  This requires letting go of attachment to time—taking power out of the energy that flows out of us.  So for instance, when I was mediating victim-offender disputes, I joined other mediators in celebrating most cases in which freedom to confront one another face to face by simple safety rules let grievances be aired freely, which often resulted in parties’ agreeing to terms they themselves invented.  I emphasized as mediation opened that I for one was willing to continue mediation, in further sessions if necessary, until everyone in the room felt that everything that needed to be said had been said by someone.  I sought in other words to take the time out of responding to discord.  Or in teaching, I abandoned attempts to “cover” predetermined material rather than allowing room for discourse to move in unanticipated directions in the course of mutual accommodation.  Or in deciding where I would live when I retired, in favor of letting a partner carrying me wherever she turned out to be.  Or when two people build sustenance together with less than half the effort it would take either of them to sustain her- or himself alone.  Synergy thrives on serendipity.  Synergy in our relations builds trust.  We know it as enjoyment of love and support, as security that others will be there for us in times of need, and who will stand by us when we are attacked.  My late friend, mentor and colleague, Les Wilkins, used to send his graduate research design students to go out and find serendipity.  To me, serendipity increases as I let go of trying to get somewhere in particular, as by settling right by might, or by planning the rest of my life and obeying or commanding others.  Selfishly, I rely on taking time to enjoy synergy as my best insurance that I will not die alone.  This is how I have come to want to live.
                Power and synergy are symbiotic: Neither exists without a parallel existence of the other.  This is captured by the concept of yin/yang, where each force of nature contains seeds of the other.  There is no way that power can conceivably be destroyed except by power itself.  As Egyptians and Libyans have recently discovered, power itself cannot be overthrown.  We know raw power as personal and structural violence.  In the midst of violence, moments of synergy moderate social friction or entropy that exercises of power generate, where people survive hell on earth by caring for another out of love and mutual need.  Where there’s synergy, there’s hope for continued human existence.  Synergy entails an attitude that creates, gives and sustains life.  Above and beyond all, I live and long for moments of synergy  Love and peace--hal

Friday, April 13, 2012

Latin American pleas for US drug legalization

CALLS FOR U.S. DRUG LEGALIZATION FROM SOUTH OF THE BORDER

Hal Pepinsky, pepinsky@indiana.edu, pepinsky.blogspot.com

April 13, 2012

Check al Jazeera’s report on pleas for US drug legalization at the Summit of the Americas--which President Obama will attend tomorrow after discussion of the legalization is over--at http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2012/04/2012413142349136990.html . The report points to the irony that among political leaders in Latin America, it is those self-identified as leftist in Nicaragua and Cuba, and U.S. ex-colony Panama, who continue to support the U.S. led war on drugs, launched by President Nixon in 1971. Asking for drug legalization are presidents self-identified as conservative: a former defense minister in Columbia, a former general in Guatemala who was elected president on a platform of fighting a broad war on crime, and in Mexico, a president who at U.S. behest launched an ill-fated war on drug traffickers. “Conservative” presidents of Costa Rica and El Salvador have joined them.

In a visit to Central America last week, the US vice president said that the topic of legalization was worth discussion, even though this administration was opposed. Perhaps if re-elected, President Obama will moderate this stance. Progress toward legalization will probably continue with the illicit drug most known to be a drug of choice among white people, marijuana, while drug enforcement will continue to account for most of the increase in imprisonment of people of color, particularly so for women.

When the U.S. modern war on drugs began, proponents of legalization in this country were leading self-identified conservatives too, notably William Buckley, Barry Goldwater and Milton Friedman.

At a time of high unemployment, it may seem cruel to want to put those in the drug enforcement industry out of work, but in this case, call me a fiscal conservative. Love and peace--hal

Thursday, April 12, 2012

the price of abolishing the death penalty

THE PRICE OF ENDING THE DEATH PENALTY IN THE US

Hal Pepinsky, pepinsky@indiana.edu, pepinsky.blogspot.com

April 12, 2012

Connecticut has just abolished their death penalty. I have heard one advocate for abolition say that a new strategy is to get capital punishment abolished state by state until the US Supreme Court recognizes that even in our country, executions have become cruel and unusual punishment.

Meanwhile here in Ohio home, over 200 clergy petitioned the governor to stop a forthcoming execution--commute the convict’s sentence to life without the possibility of parole, which sentence could only be changed by executive clemency or pardon, so far unheard of.

A capital trial is massively expensive both because of legal forces mobilized, and steps taken like screening of potential jurors, plus the requirement that if convicted, a separate sentencing hearing must be heard by the trial jury with evidence formally gathered and introduced on factors that aggravate and mitigate the defendant’s act of murder--especially costly to poorer rural counties.

Some people, especially those who have done hard time, argue that from a prisoner’s perspective, life without parole is as draconian and punitive as execution, perhaps even more so because it tends to prolong the prisoner’s hell on earth. Given the option, I wonder how many of those serving life sentences without parole might seek lethal injection as a way out, analogous to the couple of times I have held beloved pets as they were euthanized late in life to spare them suffering. Prosecutions for life without parole proliferate in cases where having sought the death penalty would have been deemed not worth the expense. Given the odds that those prosecuted and sentenced to life without parole will predominantly be young men of color, as prison populations age, racial imbalances among prisoners can be expected to grow.

Before life without parole, US sentences were already extraordinarily long by world and hemispheric standards. With life without parole as an option, the length of sentences served in the US has taken a great leap forward. Under these circumstances, I’m a little reluctant to celebrate as death penalty abolition progresses. Love and peace--hal

Saturday, April 7, 2012

Conflicts of the Ages

CONFLICTS OF THE AGES

Hal Pepinsky, pepinsky@indiana.edu, pepinsky.blogspot.com

April 7, 2012

Have you noticed several commonalities among political divisions worldwide, from Occupy movements in the US vs. Republicans United, to general strikes from France through to Europe’s currently hottest spot—Greece, across North Africa, in violent clashes and mass incarceration of ethnic majorities by the militarily dominant minorities in Palestine, in Syria, in Iraq, and in Bahrain (be they Jew vs. Palestinian, or Shia vs. Sunni regardless of which of the two is dominant):

· Those at the forefront of resistance, and bearing the brunt of repression, and ordered to carry out that repression personally on behalf of the dominant minority, are young adults, in places where

· Young adults, even those with the most prestigious higher degrees these days are disproportionately unemployed,

· Especially young adults of the political underclass, with

· The weight of repression and poverty falls most heavily on young women and children of color (e.g., the rise in rate of incarceration of young women of color in the US; the brunt of hunger by children)

· Repression, suppression and oppression is led by men in the prevailing political class whose own livelihood and that of large families and supporters, especially when,

· Power over others has passed to leaders who belong to the same generation as the youths’ parents (as for instance in the US when Bill Clinton became the first president of the post WWII generation)?

In my lifetime, from the youth of WWI to children-of-the-Great Depression/WWII generation represented in the US by the presidential shift from Eisenhower to Kennedy, and from the WWII to the “baby boomer” generation represented in the presidential change from Bush I to Clinton, then from baby boomer parents (aka children of the Depression) to their children represented by the transition from Clinton through Bush II to Obama, there have been waves of youthful resistance, accompanied by waves of repression where their seniors kill and oppress their juniors by pitting groups of youths against each other and against rival leaders in war and by various forms of confinement and torture. The first global wave of youthful unrest I noticed was that of the late sixties in the US throughout Europe and in China’s Cultural Revolution (see particularly chap. 3 of the 1991 Geometry of Violence and Democracy book, pp. 34-61, on “societal rhythms in the chaos of violence,” where one of my prophecies—that with the end of the Cold War the primary military divide would shift from between East and West would shift to between the predominantly white North and Southern people of color—has come to pass).

I would love to explore implications of this phenomenon of global waves of in loco parentis repression and youthful resistance with anyone who is interested. One implication I think is that neither putting the person many resisters are overjoyed to see become head of state in office (as many of were who had tears in our eyes as Obama led the Democrats to legislative and executive power), nor lopping off the head of a tyrannical state (as in Iraq, Egypt and Libya) works. Suppression of youth represents a structure that from metaphorical (e.g. a father in Washington) to literal levels, rests on the cultural premise that middle-aged adult authorities know more and better than even their own children, and that youthful disobedience is the greatest threat to the social “security” of young and old alike. Most of us older folks have ample opportunity to challenge this premise in our relations with our juniors, as in my case as a teacher, volunteer mediator between “victims” and ”offenders,” parent or now grandparent, and in my relations with those who are or have been in prison (though I have not). This is the most direct way I can see to building a culture counter to ageism in generations to come. As Marx put it in his essay “on the Jewish question,” political emancipation falls far short of human emancipation, where in this case the global political culture tips away from ageism. In my own lifetime, I see no such tipping point. I just hope that over generations, humanity will eventually get there.

I became a “professor” (visiting asst.) in 1970—the year that percentage of high school students going to college in the US peaked, academic job supply with it. I recall how I and young colleagues talked about “dead wood” among our seniors who would vote on our job retention and who should make way for us and our peers. And I think it tragic that longtime loyal employees are thrown out of the workforce to make way for younger, cheaper replacements. When livelihoods are scarce, parental generations have real cause to fear that youth—especially poor and foreign youth—will replace them and make them permanent outcasts or worse. I understand that youthful resistance threatens adults, but I don’t accept that overpowering youth in the name of war or “security” leaves us older folks or our youth better off. Instead, a culture that is ageist—besides being racist, classist, sexist and xenophobic—promotes social disorder and instability. What say? Love and peace--hal

Wednesday, March 21, 2012

Alcohol

Alcohol

Hal Pepinsky, pepinsky@indiana.edu, pepinsky.blogspot.com

March 21, 2012


I just returned from 10 days in a hospital recovering from a severe episode of delirium tremens out of town after I hadn’t had a drink for a day. I will never take so much as a taste of alcohol for the rest of my life. I have an insurance policy: I have made this declaration to so many people that to do so with a closing reputation as a bigtime hypocrite.

That said, I continue to assert as I did in class that there is no such thing as a good or bad substance. The problems lie in how they are ingested, and what happens as a result. That includes alcohol. I have had experiences with the drug ( e.g., I totaled a car in 1972, but I had many a happy time in bars at conferences. I know plenty of people who take only pleasure and health from alcohol and many other substances. My consumption of alcohol is my problem. I can enjoy the smell. I can have fun with others having as much fun and pleasure from their choices of beverage, serving them even, as ever. Alcohol has not become my enemy. Putting so much as a drop between my own lips is over. The taste never appealed to me anyway. I hate soda pop but will continue enjoying my tap water.

In my view I continue to live many substantially different lives in a single lifetime, from, from pre-pubescence living in six states and a foreign country by the time I got to college to a marriage that has lasted nearly 38 year to a citizen of Poland, Canada and now the US, to a crisis where I dad leisure in a hospital bed to see how much this old body sighs with gratitude when I my drinking is over. Thank you body for putting up me so long.

As many of you know, I am by profession a student of social control, and within that realm, concentrate on peacemaking--on how we try to build trust, safety and security in the face of war and violence. I reject the idea of social control as punishment or enforced obedience. If you want to down your guard with anyone you need to trust that s/he assumes responsibility for her or his own decisions rather doing as told. I could never abided AA or 12 steps or counting days and years of sobriety (and frankly hope to behave no more soberly than ever). I am sure this works wonderfully for many people but it is not for me. I wish we would stop using words like “recovery” as though it was always wrong for all of us and those who conceive of changing habits differently,

Feeling liberated means a lot to me. My blood pressure has dropped by 300 percent and I don’t have to worry that the drug will damage my liver. I will never get picked up for dui and can be a designated driver. I can sing on open mike night with as much fun at a coffee house as at a bar. I have been given a new life I have never enjoyed. And the chances are I will die having returned to my beautiful childhood home. How lucky is that!

I continue to reject opposition to alcohol and the imposition of treatment regimens. Love