love and peace--Hal
Saturday, September 29, 2012
check Bill Moyers and Co. this wk on the American Legislative Exchange Council
...or ALEC, the source of legislation that feeds the for-profit side of
the prison-industrial complex. It's this week's program at
http://billmoyers.com/episode/full-show-united-states-of-alec/ .
love and peace--Hal
love and peace--Hal
Friday, September 21, 2012
videos: me on drugs; inter-amer conf on human rights
The Institute of International Relations at the University of West Indies in Trinidad has posted video streaming of today's Seminar of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (4 hrs.) and my presentation on drug legalization at the International Conference on Penal Abolition in Trinidad last June (12 min.), on the IIR website at www.livestream.com/iirtv . l&p hal
Thursday, September 20, 2012
meanings of life
MEANINGS OF LIFE
Hal Pepinsky, pepinsky@indiana.edu, pepinsky.blogspot.com
September 20, 2012
These
days I’m exchanging a lot of emails with a beloved cousin who is a Catholic
priest. Somehow, recently, we got back
into whether abortion is murder. My
cousin asked me how I could claim to respect life and not oppose taking an
innocent life. In the moment, I
responded that I don’t distinguish taking innocent lives from taking guilty
ones. And I told him that I thought he
and I meant two different things by the “life” we hold sacred, and that I
wanted to think my own definition over and try putting a straight answer into a
blog. So Cousin Nick, this one’s for
you.
I just
came back from the Thursday singalong at my mom’s nursing home up the way. She sleeps a lot in her wheel chair, but
lifts her head and looks me in the eyes when I sing a love song she taught me, “Girl
of My Dreams.” The nursing director,
Kristine, and I play guitars and harmonize on old time favorites. I feel the vibration as my eyes lock with
other singers’ and with eyes of those who otherwise sit still. I smile and laugh with those who sing and
clap. By the time our half hour together
ends, my voice is strong and clear, and I feel a surge of energy that carries
me smiling through the day. To my
thinking, I get a dose of synergy in my relations with others. The music we create together is infinitely
greater than the sum of its parts. These
are expressions of the life force I hold dear.
It is the force that brings human lives into harmony in all our relations.
Within the lifetime of each of us, the force
is the homeostasis that fends off bodily decay.
Indeed, it appears to me to be the force that gives form and substance
to all matter. That force embraces,
energizes and empowers us when we let it happen, as we let go of being
transfixed by striving to get somewhere in particular.
We can’t
kill the force that created us and turns our lives and bodies into food for
future generations, but we can obstruct and “correct” it by trying to make
ourselves and others get somewhere or do something or be somebody. That amounts to trying to make instruments of
ourselves and others to reaching some earthly goal. Our lives depend on cooperation in trying to
get jobs done; trying to get it done to
the same specifications regardless of who gets hurt or left out is
unsustainable—too entropic, too socially heated, wasteful of human energy. It isn’t death; the life we embody precedes
conception and lives through us when life as we know it dies.
I don’t
know one way to define murder. I know
people go to great lengths to stop murder by killing those they blame,
including people who call each other murderers.
As Karagwa Byanima, a Ugandan freedom fighter who entered parliament
when Idi Amin was overthrown, assured me, I speak as one spared the killing and
torture she had endured. I feel I have
no right to judge people for killing because I can’t distinguish right killing
from wrong killing in my own mind and heart.
Assuredly, though, “murder” is an occasion for taking what safety
measures one can first, then attending the bereaved and killer for the sake of
building what harmony one can out of loss and threat. That is the only way I know to honor and
embrace life in action. And so, dear
cousin, I feel unqualified to have an opinion on whether abortion is murder, or
to distinguish good from evil. Love and
peace--hal
Tuesday, September 18, 2012
cutting losses with dignity
CUTTING LOSSES WITH
DIGNITY
Hal Pepinsky, pepinsky@indiana.edu, pepinsky.blogspot.com
September 18, 2012
A US
colonel in Afghanistan announced in time for this morning’s US news that US
ground forces would no longer “support” Afghani patrols and police. And since our military would never dare give
command of our air power, especially one that might be infiltrated by “the
Taliban.” And oh yes, the Afghanis have
to supply their own troops now.
Reportedly,
US-Afghani political relations are “strained.”
I imagine that Afghani ex-patriots
who relied on the promise of firm US support to return home, are feeling
betrayed by a US-led NATO occupation that is abandoning them, just as a
succession of leaders of national reform or liberation movements from Ho
Chi-Minh at the outset of the Cold War on, has been used and abandoned to suit
US realpolitik. It is particularly
galling, I’m sure, to hear “Americans” tell you that we have given you more
than enough chance to clean up your act, and if you can’t make it on your own
now, it’s your own fault. This sense of
national superiority and infallibility galls me too. But my conscience tells me that it is better
to be abandoned sooner rather than later by US largesse. However much the bloodshed continues in the
wake of US withdrawal into fortresses in Iraq and Afghanistan, it will always
be worse the longer we remain present outside our fortress walls.
As
importantly, the firmness of President Obama’s withdrawals saves “American”
lives too. As safety required Norwegians to sentence Anders Breivik to life in
prison, so transforming the violence of US military occupations may need to
begin by separation of us from them.
Indeed, on its face national self-governance requires that colonizers
and occupiers let go, which always happens by degrees, not as wholesale change.
Stripped of political correctness, the
president has decided that we are not going to win these wars, and that he is
going to save US life and limb especially as fast as politics and the safety of
our troops permit. Kudos to the US president
and our military for continuing to back out of Afghanistan during a close US election.
It
takes even more courage to withdraw knowing that resistance fighters, seeing
that they have us on the run, will celebrate their victory over invading
non-believers by nipping at our tails, killing and humiliating us by bits and pieces
as our young fighters struggle to return home safely and with a shred of
dignity.
Non-military
war resisters made the mistake of vilifying troops returning from Vietnam, and
we certainly owe returning troops respect for having risked so much to serve
others, and more dignity back home than relegating them to our streets, hospitals
and prisons. Adding blame to anyone, and
declaring winners and losers doesn’t help make anyone safer and more secure.
Requiring
any party to apologize or to “accept responsibility” for a war only gets in the
way of de-escalation. It isn’t
necessary. Gandhi is among those who
called upon conflicting parties to end their impasse by embracing one another
as friends. I may have happened to have
long believed that landlocked, mountainous Afghanistan could no more ever have
been or will be conquered than its European counterpart, Switzerland. I may wish that Afghanistan is the overt
invasion to end all overt US invasions, as I did when the last US helicopter
rose out of the US Embassy in Saigon.
The realist in me is grateful to get US withdrawal on any terms my
government and media want to use.
Plea
bargain ceremonies before US criminal court judges drove home to me the
absurdity of demanding contrition, remorse, or acknowledgment of having learned
somebody else’s lesson. When a defendant
has signed onto a bargain reached between her/his lawyer and the prosecutor
exchanging a guilty plea to a certain offense for a sentence, and the judge has
agreed to the deal, the defense attorney and client stand before the bench as
the judge, step by step, requires the defendant to assure, on the record, that
this plea is voluntary (never mind that the defendant can’t make bail), and
that s/he has indeed done each element of the crime charged. I have sat there knowing that defendants knew
themselves to be innocent, but who couldn’t wait in jail for a trial date. The ceremony is a farce. So it often turns out to be too, when people
who batter their partners apologize and promise never to let it happen again.
Conversely, governments like all
power holders may well back off and do what I think is the right thing while
justifying it for the wrong reasons. When
the trustees of my university approved a policy opening faculty promotion and
tenure files to public inspection, I called a press conference to catch the
president as he left the meeting, to shake his hand and thank for doing the
right thing, without further comment. It
wouldn’t have helped for me to claim victory, nor to point to how many years it
had taken the administration to recognize what the on its face had always
required. So it is in the diplomatic
world that face-saving accords have supplanted the unconditional surrenders we
required to stop pounding Germans and Japanese.
So it is in common practice in consent decrees US regulators enter into
as they extract fines and other sanctions from corporate wrongdoers.
I have been exposed to many training
protocols for victim-offender mediation or conferencing. Some place a premium on offender
apologies. I have never asked for
apologies. Some require that those
labeled offenders “admit responsibility,” for their alleged legal transgressions,
as in pleading guilty beforehand. I’m
mainly interested in honesty regardless of whether I hear what I might want to
hear. I may feel personally obliged to listen
actively and self-critically in a mediation process; that is my offer of a way
of relating, not a demand. If parties
realistically and voluntarily accommodate one another, I don’t find it
necessary to push them to do so with conscious insight. Many of the wonderful ways we respond to one
another happen without being thought of or put into words. Insight may promote settlements of wars, but giving
dignity to those who settle takes precedence over requiring insight in others. Peacemaking happens in many real ways. Love and peace--hal
Monday, September 17, 2012
a wave of US peacemaking
A WAVE OF PEACEMAKING
Hal Pepinsky, pepinsky@indiana.edu, pepinsky.blogspot.com
September 17, 2012
I just
heard a wave of peacemaking sweep over National Public Radio. On one news talk show after another , hosts
and guests seriously addressed the question of what the current wave of Muslim
anti-US protest is about. Yesterday they
had begun asking about the video and whether its publication might justify the
demonstrations. Today, the dialogue was
split between arguing that the demonstrations represent an insignificant number
of Muslims so let’s not make a big deal of it on one hand, to acknowledging the
long historically reinforced perception that people in predominantly Muslim
nations were backward and needed to learn to understand and appreciate superior
Euro-American values. From locally an
Ohio State political science professor to the Executive Director of the Council
on Foreign Relations, commentators stressed the reality of the widespread anti-Americanism
across the Muslim-majority world for a history of Euro-American disrespect,
denigration, colonization, exploitation, and today, pretending that the US has
a God-given destiny to bring its enlightenment and democracy while supporting
despotic rulers who massively torture them and restrict their civil rights. That all presidents from Eisenhower on had a
history of perpetuating this policy. And
that it was time for us all in the US to wake up to our own role in further
inflaming anti-US fear and anger, especially after US-driven invasions of
Afghanistan and Iraq.
How
refreshing it was to hear these voices of empathy from out of the US. I call it an act of peacemaking. It is the crescendo of a little wave of
reflection from the US in response to the small but widespread anti-US murders
followed by marches on US diplomatic posts.
Short as the US media attention span generally is, I expect we will now
drift back toward beefing up US military security and trying to identify and
track down the number one villains who murdered a beloved US ambassador. In the best of circumstances, peacemaking is
an incremental process. The increments
are particularly slow when it comes to the intergenerational process of
transforming a national political culture.
Small as the wave of peacemaking I celebrate here may be, it is an
infinitely significant peacemaking event.
It is significant because it is such a rare US news media event. It shows that peacemaking can come unexpected
from anywhere. It draws a wave of
surprisingly sympathetic call-ins. It
will be heard and noticed by many people in the US. It may marginally and momentarily pleasantly
surprise those who hold anti-US sentiments—that not all “Americans” hold the
sentiments they normally hear us express.
A
commitment to peacemaking entails limited expectations, what social
psychologist Karl Weick some forty years ago call a strategy aimed at “small
wins,” which are the only changes that ultimately transform a group’s
consciousness. And so today, I celebrate
the little wave that rolls through NPR, and thank the spirit of love and
compassion that binds us for this blessing.
L&p hal
Saturday, September 15, 2012
Roots of anti-US rage
ANGER AT “AMERICANS”
Hal Pepinsky, pepinsky@indiana.edu, pepinsky.blogspot.com
September 15, 2012
Better
watch out, you might get what you wish for.
In my last blog post, I wished that the USG and news media ask
themselves whether under our law, the video trailer caricaturing Mohammed didn’t
constitute a hate crime as surely as the federal prosecution’s position is on
Amish beard and hair cutting. Wow, did I
get my wish. The alleged author of the
video has been interviewed by the FBI and is back in court to show cause why
his probation shouldn’t be revoked. The
news media are falling all over who these “rioting” Muslim mobs are and why
they get upset over one obscure video.
My president and my media are once again showing the world that “Americans”
take crime seriously and detest the video, while showing that unlike some
countries, we staunchly defend the right of politically and religiously
offensive speech. The message is
consistent, and earnest, as in the sadness “Americans” feel over the loss of
four of our people (in contrast to people who throw their lives away in suicide
bombings), and in the fear we feel that for the first time in this generation,
our diplomats have been murdered inside a compound flying our national
flag. And from our president, we expect
and appreciate the seriousness with which our president is quietly but firmly
bringing all our military and economic might to bear to ensure that no foreign
government ever let’s this happen again.
In criminologists’ terms, we are doing all we can to prevent recidivism.
As luck
would have it, just before the invasion of the US consulate, in a post on “criminology
as diplomacy,” and in a preceding post on “peacebuilding v. peacemaking,” I
proposed that from victim-offender mediation to gang violence, we shift our
frame of reference from turning once and future criminals and their young
cohorts into model citizens, to mediating among opposing individuals (as in
victim-offender mediation) and in groups (horizontally, as in negotiating and
maintaining truces between gang leaders by respecting them; or vertically, as
between employer and employee, or prisoners and guards). That is, that we apply the principles of
diplomacy rather than of military strategy to violence we call crime by
principles diplomats employ as between warring parties. Now, having gotten my wish that we attend to
who is upset by our video and why, I return from diplomacy in the streets to
international diplomacy, and wish that US politicians and media would shift
from diplomacy that focuses on identifying and bringing individuals on all
sides who are guilty to justice, to looking at how on earth that absurd little
video trailer could have sparked such an over-the-top response by Muslims from
Cairo and Benghazi to Sydney so far. I
think it’s a cop-out to dismiss the scale of the reaction of morally inferior
outlaws drawn together by a fanatic willingness to kill over cartoons. As pioneering family psychologist Virginia
Satir proposed in the late sixties that we look beyond treating the “identified
patient” like a problem child to treating the child as the equivalent of the
canary in the coal mine. I think characterizing
any outpouring of violence as irrational is an irrational way, a self-defeating
way, to respond to violence that no one is in a position to stop.
I see
the collective violence against symbols of US government presence as a
mini-explosion of pent-up anger and indeed terror of all the “American” suppression,
surveillance, and repeated anti-Islamically directed invasions, and of the
greatest reign of military against concentrations of Islam since, to borrow
President Bush II’s words in a state of the union speech and elsewhere, the
last Christian Crusade, where on “American” front lines, Muslims became “towel
heads,” where once Filipino and Vietnamese national liberation fighters had
been called monkeys and “gooks.” I can’t
stop it, but for years what I see as a US military, cultural and economic war
that is to me blatantly built on stereotypes of followers of a religion,
despite the fact that from my community through the Mideast to Asia, Muslims
keep trying to tell us that Islam means followers of the path of peace, and
that those who terrorize “Americans” in the name of Islam are to them as foreign
and repugnant as the idea of killing for Christ would be to almost all
Christians.
I won’t
bother here to go through another litany of what I consider US military
terrorism and willingness to embrace “Muslim” despots for the sake of global
hegemony in the name of defending democracy, which through the superiority of
US military technology and spending, is gaining mastery of the art of killing
anyone the president openly or secretly declares to be on the US most-wanted
list, to say nothing of the political culture that gives rise to a furor at the
gall and insensitivity of building a Muslim community center near Ground Zero. In the Geometry of Violence book published in
1991, in a chapter written in 1989, I pointed out that even before the Cold War
ended, an axis separating East from West shifting to an access between North
and South, where the prevailing differences were between a Christian region
dominated by whites, and a Muslim stronghold in a hemisphere dominated by
people of color. I’m not a Muslim, but
the prevailing anti-Islamic attitude in my country’s political culture has
angered me, especially because it is so absurd for “Americans” to believe that scaring
and terrorizing our “enemies” as mightily as we have made “Americans” at home
and abroad, as now in Benghazi. Notice
that I keep putting “Americans” in quotes.
We in the US get that name from the first European ship’s captain to set
foot in Latin America. To call our
country “America” and ourselves “Americans” connotes what President John Monroe
declared in 1815, that the US is and “under God” deserves to be the political
and economic center that speaks for the “democratic” interests of both Western
Hemispheres. For those who attack our
citizens, property and symbols, calling us “Americans” is a tribute to our international
hegemony—all the more dangerous because it is so much more than a little land
mass of 4 or 5 percent of the world’s inhabitants. That is why I refer to my country instead at
the US.
I see
the wave of anti-US street violence as a brushfire flaring up of anger at US
anti-Islamic political, military and economic domination. And here in the US, we do seem to be
determined to remain recognized as being the world’s Number One at whatever we
do.
Many
are the ways that US inhabitants choose to serve their country, including those
who out of love of homeland gives their lives and limbs for their country. I speak from an enviable position of personal safety and
privilege. Perhaps my way of serving my
country is a product of my life of luxury and privilege, although I know, and
international critics of US policy like Arundhati Roy affirm, that there are
many “Americans” who share her resistance to what the world sees as “being
American,” especially so in a time of national frenzy over which candidate for
president most epitimozes the personal qualities we want the world to see as
truly “American,” in the service of “God’s” will. For my own personal safety’s sake at home and
abroad, and to serve what I perceive to be the interests of the people of my
country, I want to be as clear as I can to foreigners that I am a radical
critic of the politics and fiscal management that prevail in my homeland. When I do so, I want to be known more for the
attention to foreign concerns and knowledge of “their” thinking than for
self-condemnation of my people for their xenophobia and chauvinism. I want them to know that I will not take it
personally if any “outsider” criticizes my people any more than I do. There was a period when I felt deep guilt and
shame for being an American. I think I’m
pretty much past taking US violence so personally. In another positive sense, I do feel
responsible for the privileges of US citizenship in where my family and I live
and thrive. When I am a guest abroad, I
am wary of coming across as a foreign expert who knows what good for people in
other countries, but I do want to be able to talk about violence and
peacemaking wherever I am invited or visit outside my country. At this moment, I want to be known as among
those who figure that while publication of the notorious video may be highly
improbable, the outpouring of anger it has sparked is understandable. And to raise among my US neighbors the belief
I share that as a nation, from genocide of indigenous “Americans” and
enslavement of Africans on, we have a lot of bloodshed and economic
exploitation to atone for. Love and
peace--hal
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